Music Is Important For All Of Us Essay - 1495 Words

Music plays an important role in our daily lives of much more people than in the past. There are so many aspects why music is important for all of us. For example, it could [bring people together in terms of choir. As Nicholas Cook encourages, â€Å"In today’s world, deciding what music to listen to is a significant part of deciding and announcing to people not just who you ‘want to be’†¦ but who you are. ‘Music’ is a very small word to encompass something that takes as many forms as there are cultural or sub-cultural identities.†(1998, p.5) Music has been believed to be a resource for not only making us want to be but also who we are. In this world, many human beings have been misunderstanding about musicality. What is musicality, exactly? People who often assume themselves not to be musical, argue that they have no sense of rhythm and they are tone-deaf. On the other hand, they see parrots, for instance as very musical since they can rec ognise what people emit and mimic it. However, do animals really have a musical sense? We have to consider what â€Å"musicality† is at first. (Henkjan) The character chosen is me, SHION OKUBO at the age of twenty. She was born in Osaka and I have been living in Japan for my entire life. The city has been traditionally famous for WADAIKO, which is a Japanese drum and has been used for festivals since a long time ago. It is very familiar to all Japanese people and surprisingly it is getting so worldwide that even some foreigners have heard of thisShow MoreRelatedMusic Should Be Mandatory Public Schools1173 Words   |  5 Pages Music is so important to our lives, this is why music should be mandatory in our public schools. Music has an influence on all of us, unless you’re deaf. This is one of the many reasons why we should have a basic knowledge on how to use music. Learning how to use music opens so many doors to us. We can use music to make peace or war and everything in between. So, why wouldn’t we teach our children the importance of music in our lives? There is a plethora of ways that music affects us. Music hasRead MoreOpinion Essay929 Words   |  4 Pages Music is the best type of Art What is art? Everyone knows about it, but could you say a lot about music? May be yes, may be no. Music is the best type of art. Before proving it , let’s talk about what music means. Music is an art form which medium is sound and silence. In many cultures music is an important part of people. Music contains all their history. May be for someone music is just noise of instruments, but not for me. Music reflects history, people’sRead MoreShould People Learn the Basic History and Fundamentals of Music?777 Words   |  4 Pages Music is all around us, it is a part of our culture and for some it is a way of life! We all know how music is and how it should sound, but most people don’t realize that if it weren’t for previous musical eras, music wouldn’t sound like how it does today. Music classes after 6th grade aren’t mandatory and if people aren’t going into that field they don’t take music classes, so they don’t have the information anymore. It could only benefit a person’s brain to know some simple things about musicRead MoreMusic : An Explosive Expression Of Humanity1748 Words   |  7 Pagesthink music in itself is healing. It s an explosive expression of humanity. It s something we are all touched by. No matter what culture we re from, everyone loves music.† In many ways this quote is very accurate both socially and scientifically. Music is a vital part of almost every culture and serves many purposes culturally as a means of self expressio n and communication within a culture and the world at large. While music does serve several external purposes, perhaps its most important and fascinatingRead MoreOur Emotional Response to Music787 Words   |  3 PagesAll our emotions are affected by something, and the music is one part of these things. My main aim of this study is to show you the real meaning of music, the uses of music, the emotional responses of music, does music affect other things plus to our emotions? Also, to show you how can music control the hormone levels in the body? The exciting music in the films, you are the type of the music that you are listening to. Let’s read and know more about music. Did you ask yourself about the meaningRead MoreHumanities And Discuss The Role Of Role1468 Words   |  6 Pagesphilosophy, literature, religion, art and music. The knowledge of recording these human experiences gives us an opportunity to focus on our similarities and differences, and also to learn important life’s lesson. The textbook states that through arts, music, literature etc., important messages can be conveyed about many different subjects such as war, poverty, death, and other human conditions. Humanities can convey important life messages as stated the book through music, arts, stories, songs and achievements;Read MoreIndie Classical Music To Me Sounds Like A More Idealistic1040 Words   |  5 PagesIndie Classical music to me sounds like a more idealistic variation for classical music’s new age. Classical to me means something that is traditional, from the past, and that has forever impacted someone in one way or another. The phrase â€Å"Indie-classi cal† to me simply sounds like a combination of genres, giving classical music a new variation through the use of collaborations between two different artists. This genre of music has only been increasing with popularity all around the world. ListeningRead MoreEssay on how headphones changed the world1243 Words   |  5 Pageshalf of younger workers listen to music on their headphones, and the vast majority thinks it makes us better at our jobs. In survey after survey, we report with confidence that music makes us happier, better at concentrating, and more productive. Science says were full of it. Listening to music hurts our ability to recall other stimuli, and any pop song -- loud or soft -- reduces overall performance for both extraverts and introverts. A Taiwanese study linked music with lyrics to lower scores onRead MorePleasantville setting essay1151 Words   |  5 Pagesï » ¿Describe at least ONE important setting in the text(s). Explain how the setting helped to show the author / creator’s idea(s), supporting your points with visual and / or oral language features. The film Pleasantville written, directed and produced by Gary Ross shows a time period in American History where life was more comfortable, stable and ‘perfect’ if you would generalise it. However, as the film ironically shows, this was a time when people were more ignorant, racist and most certainlyRead MoreThe Concert Hall At The University Of Evansville Hushed1743 Words   |  7 PagesUniversity of Evansville hushed as the conductor tapped his baton on the music stand in front of him. Raising both hands in the air, scanning the performers of the orchestra to make sure everyone had their instruments in place and appeared ready, he took a quick breath to cue the orchestra to start playing. Out of the many concerts that I have attended throughout my lifetime, especially since becoming a music student studying music, this particular concert was different. I found myself listening for

Project Management Training Program Project - 2081 Words

Project Management Training Project management has been defined as the process that involves the application of different processes, methods, knowledge, experience and skills for purposes of achieving the objectives of the project. On the other hand, a project is always defined as a unique and a transient endeavor that is undertaken to achieve an organization’s planned goals that could be defined on the basis of outputs and benefits. The process of managing a project entails the development of an effective project plan, a process that entails the definition as well as the confirmation of the project goals and objectives. The plan also gives a clear outline of how the project objectives will be achieved, identification of the tasks as well as the quantification of all the needed resources. The plan also plays an important role in developing an appropriate budget for the project as well as the most appropriate timeline that will be taken to complete the project being carried out . The process of project management also includes a statement of the most effective ways of implementing the project plan along with the best controls that will ensure that the objectives of the organization are met effectively and efficiently. It is thus important for organizations to have effective project management plans so that their operations are flawless as well as having most of those involved to take their places at the most appropriate time. For this to happen, the process of projectShow MoreRelatedProject Management Methodologies For Project Managers1036 Words   |  5 PagesProject Methodology There are numerous project management methodologies available for project managers to choose from. The best process or methodology must take into consideration the unique aspects of the project, including factors such as staff size and system criticality, as determined by the project manager and the core team (Cockburn, 2000). From my vantage point, the primary concern is the team member buy-in and keeping the process participatory, while managing the interaction, communicationRead MoreImplementing Integrated Product And Process Development1547 Words   |  7 PagesDevelopment (IPPD) as, A management process that integrates all activities from product concept through production/field support, using a multifunctional team, to simultaneously optimize the product and its manufacturing and sustainment processes to meet cost and performance objectives. From IPPD evolved into what is now considered Project Management. The Secretary of Defense, William J. Perry directed on May 10, 1995, the â€Å"immediate implementation† of a management process called Integrated ProductRead MoreThe Goal Of Implementing Both Programs Is To Minimize Process1303 Words   |  6 PagesThe goal of implementing both programs is to minimize process incidents by evaluating the whole process of our operations to identify and mitigate process safety hazards. STRATEGIC ALIGNMENT The recommendation for change was based on our founding principles and three core values which are: Integrity: Doing the right thing, and we will not take the easy way out. Safety: Taking proactive approaches to identify/prevent safety issues and take immediate action when a safety issue is identified. Accountability:Read MoreImplementation Of A Project Plan1615 Words   |  7 PagesOnce a project has been approved, the next step in the project process is to develop a plan. A project plan provides a strategy in which an endeavor will progress and outlines the complete events essential to complete a project. The process also presents an outline for monitoring functions and milestones to track progress. A high level project plan must be developed in order to effectively outline the necessary activities, monitoring, and strategy in order for a project to be successful EfficiencyRead MoreHoneywell Program Management Maturity Models1023 Words   |  4 PagesRunning Head: PROJECT MANAGEMENT MATURITY MODEL Project Management Maturity Models MGT 401 Assignment 04 July 2013 Introduction The focus of this report is to present what Honeywell needs to do to move from level 1 to Level 2 . An organizational project management maturity level has reached a Level 2 when an organization has achieved the following objectives: An organization has defined its Initial Processes (Reactive Management) and Informal PM processes. An organization has also createdRead MoreImplementing A New ERP System Into The Enterprise: Best Practices In Project And Change Management1396 Words   |  6 PagesImplementing A New ERP System Into The Enterprise: Best Practices in Project and Change Management Introduction The role of Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) systems in companies today is rapidly changing from just providing after-the-fact reporting of results to delivering analytics and intelligence on how to succeed with new products and services. ERP has in the past been relegated to just managing the interactions and interconnections between supplier, manufacturing operations and to aRead MoreLetter Of Motivation And Statement Of Purpose Essay1462 Words   |  6 Pagesand test report form is enclosed in this this application. Just before my National Youth Service, I proceeded for a project management training at Piston Fusion Institute, afterwards obtained Health, Safety Environment training at Joint Professionals Training Support Institute. I have worked as a studio/design architect at Archidimz + C.Pm for three years and as a site/project architect for three years at Archplus Designs Ltd. In the course of discharging my duties, I realized that I need moreRead MoreThe Project Management Professional ( Pmp ) Essay1656 Words   |  7 PagesThe Project Management Professional (PMP) is one of the few certification categories where bonus pay is still climbing upward. â€Å"Bonus pay awarded to PMP certificate holders grew by 15% in the second quarter (Moad, J. (2003)†. â€Å"At least, it is when you re talking about bonus pay or impressing hiring managers. After all, there s nothing like the letters PMP (Project Management Professional) plastered on a resume to catch some attention†. Whi le the PMP certification is marketed to professionalsRead MoreMemo on the OHS Act and Regulation for Western Australia1851 Words   |  7 PagesCBD College 8. Monitor a Safe Workplace Memo To: Glass supply Glazing services   From: CC: Date: December 31st 2011. The current OHS Act and Regulation for Western Australia and the sections that apply to risk management. The OSH Act provides for the promotion, coordination, administration and enforcement of occupational safety and health in Western Australia. The OSH Act places specific responsibilities on employers, employees, self-employed people, manufacturers, designers, importersRead MoreCompanys Critical Needs For The Payroll System1586 Words   |  7 PagesChart An important aspect of planning projects is scheduling tasks and milestones. An easy way to create and communicate project schedules is by using a Gantt chart. A â€Å"Gantt chart is a graphic display of schedule related information† (Kloppenborg et al., 2012, p. 192). It is a bar chart, with each bar representing a task’s start and finish time (Kloppenborg et al., 2012). All successful projects must meet the constraints of time. A Gantt chart allows project teams to schedule milestones and avoid

National Power Free Essays

National  power is an imperative element of the state system.According to Prof. Morgenthau national power is a mental connection between the individuals who practice it and those over whom it is worked out. We will write a custom essay sample on National Power or any similar topic only for you Order Now It gives the previous command over specific activities of the last mentioned, through the impact that the previous applies over the last’s brain.† Control is controlled by all states howeevrer it sums fluctuates relying on some unmistakable and in substantial elements.all the components of national power are reliant onn each other through a mind boggling circumstances and end results relation.absence or absence of some basic component can make every other component useless.so national power is a setting subordinate process.A certain combinion of the components can make the state profoundly effective and among the super powers of the world however may not be sufficient in the distinctive setting. Measurement of national power: mearuement of national power invovles estimating and investigation of its substantial and in unmistakable elements. Unmistakable Elements the elemets of national power that can be felt and contacted are referred to as unmistakable components, for example, ; Topography The significance of geaogrphy as the component of national power cannot be disregarded in light of the fact that all other component rely on the geological area of the state. The significance of topography has been diminished to some surviving because of mechanical advancement however one can’t overlook its importancePakistan has a stunning geological location. Pakistan is in the most vital locale of contemporary world.its the critical point for universes real vitality courses and for financial linkages.pakistan needs to make a decent utilization of its one of a kind location,size,topygraphy and climate.pakistan can fill in as a monetary center for the assian nations.It is atourist fascination zone aswell. Populace It is a conviction that more populoous the nation is all the more intense it is the point at which the populace is engaged with mechanical activitiees and is servi Populace is substantial component of national power. It is accepted that popnt butIn instance of creating nations greater part of the popu;ation issign of weakness.Large popu;ation resu;ts in joblessness and corrupytion.Pakistan has a substantial populace that is socially dynamic, politically energetic and all around associated through various media/data sources. Be that as it may, their are hallenges with respect to the qaility of fundamental and highrer eductaion. This component of national power should be put to best use by tending to the difficulties. Area The security and the spatial connection of the nation witn the outside world relies on its lovcation.it is significantly more im poratant than sixe bcs it detrmine sthe atmosphere and the financial framework. Area assumes exceptionally noteworthy job in national power, for instance Bangladesh isolated from Pakistan in view of land area and feeble end the national intensity of Pakistan. Region It is a vital substantial component of national power. Region is an imperative component that determinn es the intensity of a state. The regional qualities, for example, limits, atmosphere. key area, nature of land and conduits assumes imperative job in the improvement of national power. For instance, a rugged nation is hard to be overwhelmed by foe while plain one simple to be caught. Common assets Common assets might be characterized as, â€Å"Blessings of nature of set up utility.† They would incorporate, for instance cascade, fruitfulness of soil, oil, press, copper, gas and coal and so on. Characteristic assets assumes exceptionally noteworthy job in national power. For instance, Kuwait is little state however because of rich oil assets it assumes exceptionally crucial job in global governmental issues. Common assets are the endowments of God and a crude material are the work of the person. In any case, the regular assets don’t without anyone else’s input make control. They must be abused with the assistance of capital, specialized know-how and gifted works. For instance, however Brazil had rich iron stores they didn’t add to her national influence till they were misused with the specialized help got from USA. Innovation Innovation is frequently characterized as connected science. Mechanical change mirrors the genuine appropriation of new techniques and items; it is the triumph of the new over the old in the trial of the market and the financial plan. Besides, it includes a mind boggling, social process including numerous components science, training, innovative work under private and open support, administration, innovation, generation offices, specialists and work association.† It has just introduced the period of PCs, robotization, and nuclear and space innovation. Innovation is likewise a standout amongst the most essential components of national power. For instance, USA is the worldwide ace because of headway in innovation. As of late, innovation has come to practice significant effect on the power base of a state and in addition the course of worldwide relations. Innovation in any event in three circle i.e. mechanical, correspondence and military, has enormously impacted the intensity of the state. Monetary advancement Monetary advancement implies increment in national wage or increment in per capita pay or financial improvement is the procedure that not just impact the monetary relations of the states yet social, political, social and religious connection too. It is likewise an imperative and contributing element in the expanding of national power. USA rose as an intense condition of the world due to mechanical improvement. USA seeks after a free outside arrangement because of monetary advancement. Political structure The insignificant ownership of wealth of material and HR and arrangement of a decent outside strategy would demonstrate pointless if the political structure or the legislature can’t assume its job viably. The administration is required to pick the targets and strategies for its remote strategy in the light of the power accessible to help them with a greatest achievement. Military progression Military progression is the most evident and substantial factor equipped for supporting the remote arrangement and advancing national. intrigue. Military headway assumes critical job in worldwide governmental issues. For instance, amid first period of the World War I Germany picked up prevalence over British due to the utilization of submarines. Strategy The national intensity of national state is extraordinarily controlled by the nature of discretion sought after by its ambassadors. As indicated by Morgenthau â€Å"The nature of tact of a state provides guidance and weight to different components of intensity.† Diplomacy is a whole technique for settling worldwide clashes. Discretion can serve the enthusiasm of a state by securing its kin abroad, via hunting out new open doors down exchange, by decumulating data about topography assets, procedures, social and military foundation. Immaterial Elements of National Power In this way, for we have been thinking about unmistakable and material components of national power. Presently we should swing to factors that are no less essential, in spite of the fact that they are more hard to disengage and characterize. These are the components of belief system, moral. furthermore, initiative. Belief system In the advanced period the belief systems of communism, socialism, majority rule government, radicalism and patriotism have a global interest. Belief system is the most imperative component of national power since philosophy makes solidarity among countries and fabricates a feeling of basic enthusiasm to individuals. For instance, the Soviet and Chinese national power is related with the belief system of socialism. A belief system is an early lunch of thoughts regarding life, society or government. USSR got the status of super power through the belief system of socialism and Pakistan appeared because of Islamic philosophy. Initiative Initiative is interrelated with alternate components of national power since it is one of the proportions of the surviving to that those components are used. As indicated by Palmer and Perline: â€Å"Without administration individuals can’t establish a state.† A country state can’t develop without capable administration. Without it there can be no all around created or coordinated innovation and without it assurance is absolutely pointless, if in fact it can exist by any stretch of the imagination. Authority assumes essential job in animating or disheartening administrative exercises. Individuals like Lenin, Stalin and Churchill changed the destiny of their kin and nations. Along these lines, we can state that authority assumes vital job in the upgrade of national power. National Character and Morale a few essayists list national character as one of the components of national power as does Professor Hans J. Morgenthau in his governmental issues among countries. It might be viewed as one of the significant determinants of national spirit despite the fact that obviously, it is more extensive then assurance. Yet, where it is all the more then the premise of resolve, it might clarify some different components. National character might be thought of as atmosphere, assurance as climate. Morgenthau additionally says that, â€Å"National character is the level of assurance with that a country bolster the home and remote strategy of its administration in time of peace and war.† How to cite National Power, Papers

The Life Times of Alexander the Great Essay Example For Students

The Life Times of Alexander the Great Essay iii Introduction Alexander the great made an impact on world history that few individuals can profess to have done. He ruled all of the known world, and one of the largest empires ever. His men were the first westerners to encounter tales of the Yeti. They even discovered and classified new types of flora and fauna, such as the red mold that grew on their bread while they were in Asia, and made it appear as if it were bleeding. He expanded the Hellenist sphere of influence to the farthest reaches of the globe. When the king of Greece visited the British colony of India around the turn of the century, the colonial government had some native Indian dances displayed for him. He was shocked when he immediately recognized the dances as the same harvest dances that his fellow Greeks performed near Thessalonika. This was the breadth of Alexanders influence on hundreds of different cultures around the world. Throughout the whole of Europe, Asia, and North Africa, stories of this great man have been handed down from generation to generation throughout the centuries. In many cases Alexander has even taken on a superhuman aura, and many unbelievable legends have been based on his life. When Julius Caesar visited Alexandria, he asked to see the body of the greatest warrior of all time- Alexander the Great. Such was Alexanders reputation, able to impress even the powerful Caesar. He was, without a doubt, one of the most remarkable men that ever walked the face of this Earth. And this is the story of his life. 1 The Life and Times of Alexander the Great The story of Alexander the Great is one of courage, genius, and great accomplishment; but it is also somewhat of a bittersweet one, ending with his tragic death during the prime of his life, at thirty-two. Alexander was born to Philip II of Macedon and Olympias, his principal wife, in 356 BCE, mpic Games. Just three years earlier, Philip had ascended to the throne after the death of his older brother, Perdikkas1, and named the city of Philipi after himself. Shortly thereafter, at the age of twenty, he met Olympias at a religious ceremony on the island of Samothrace. Olympias was of the Mystery Religions, and was initiated at an early age. She spent her time at wild orgies during which snakes were wrapped around the worshippers limbs. She kept this custom of sleeping with snakes throughout her marriage to Philip. In addition, she sacrificed thousand of animals to her particular god or goddess each year. Interestingly enough, she had a cruel streak normally common only to the Greek men of her time. Throughout her career she was no slower than her male rivals to kill off enemies who seemed to threaten her. Olympias, believing that she was descended from Achilles, and being of royal Epeirosian blood herself, thought that she was rightly entitled to respect from Philip as his queen. For this reason Olympias was constantly upset at Philips long stays away from home. This anger was especially directed towards his torrid affairs with the nearest nubile 2 waif. At the time of Alexanders birth, Philip was involved in a campaign to defeat the Illyrian provinces in battle and incorporate them into the Greek empire that he was building for himself. In that month, Philip received three messages bearing good in quick succession: his victory over the Illyrians, Alexanders birth, and Macedonian victory in the Olympic races. Alexander resembled his mother more than his father. It was in memory of Macedonias greatest king, Alexander I, that Alexander was named. Philip, currently engaged in a plan for the conquest of Greece and eventually parts of Asia, had high hopes for his firstborn son to eventually continue in his footsteps. In the following year Alexanders only sibling, a sister named Cleopatra, was born. Alexander probably had no recollection of his father having both of his eyes, because Philip lost his eye storming an Athenian fortress. During Alexanders early years, he was watched over by a man named Leonidas2. .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 , .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 .postImageUrl , .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 , .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90:hover , .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90:visited , .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90:active { border:0!important; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90:active , .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90 .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u9e9952b6069d983c46493f67e040af90:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Poem Analysisi Essay Leonidas saw to all of Alexanders education and tutelage in many varied subjects including: writing, geometry, reading, arithmetic, music, archery, horseback riding, javelin, and other types of athletics. Alexanders nursemaid was an endearing gentleman whose name was Lysimachos, who won Alexanders heart at an early age by playing imagination games with Alexander and his playmates: Ptolemy, Harpalos, Nearchos, Hephaistion, and Erigyios. When Alexander reached the ripe old age of thirteen, Philip decided it was time for Alexander to receive a higher education better befitting his young heir. Searching throughout his empire, Philip was lucky enough to find .

Open Boat Theme

In the second half of the nineteenth century, Charles Darwin’s evolutionary theory exerted such a powerful influence on multiple aspects of human life that its echo could be traced as far as in the literary fiction of the period characterized as literary Naturalism.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Open Boat Theme specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More One of the most innovative writers of his generation, the American novelist, short story writer, poet, and journalist Stephen Crane produced a series of works remarkable for their Naturalistic tendencies. Among those literary pieces, Crane’s short story â€Å"The Open Boat† is singled out by its thematic and stylistic correspondence to literary Naturalism. By means of such literary devices as setting, characters, and atmosphere, Crane efficiently develops and supports the main theme of â€Å"The Open Boat† — the impossibility of struggl ing against the eternal and permanent Nature. As it is obvious from the name of the movement, Nature is the central notion that determines the course of events in a Naturalistic story. It is represented as an eternal and impregnable matter that exists independently of the worldly vanity. Natural determinism reveals itself in the fact that despite all the man’s attempts to change the natural course of events, everything happens according to the predefined scheme. Nature is objective and remote from all the earthly suffering of man; it is neither brutal, nor friendly; it simply pursues the eternal order of things. Setting â€Å"The Open Boat† amidst the stormy sea, Crane depicts the objectivity of Nature, exactly following the Naturalistic interpretation of it as an indifferent and impartial matter: â€Å"This tower was a giant, standing with its back to the plight of the ants. It represented in a degree, to the correspondent, the serenity of nature amid the struggles of the individual — nature in the wind, and nature in the vision of men. She did not seem cruel to him then, nor beneficent, nor treacherous, nor wise. But she was indifferent, flatly indifferent.† (Crane 142) In this fragment Crane emphasizes that Nature does not possess any emotional characteristics and only acquires them through human interpretation. Nature per se is an objective course of fixed events, and it is only through man’s vision of them that those events gain some meaning.Advertising Looking for essay on american literature? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Placed in the objective setting of Nature are four men, the only survivors of a shipwreck who are now trying to reach the shore in a tiny dingy boat. All of them — the intellectual correspondent, the comic cook, the strong and industrious oiler, and the remote yet compassionate captain — initially pursue one aim: to survive by w ay of struggling with the nature. They view the sea deep as a hostile enemy who can engulf them in the twinkling of an eye, and therefore their eyes are steadily focused on it in fearful apprehension: â€Å"None of them knew the color of the sky. Their eyes glanced level, and were fastened upon the waves that swept toward them. These waves were of the hue of slate, save for the tops, which were of foaming white, and all of the men knew the colors of the sea.† (Crane 123) Throughout the whole story Crane comments on those colors of the sea that change in accordance to the mood of the remaining crew: the waves gradually change from dark lead to â€Å"emerald green with amber lights†, to black, to â€Å"carmine and gold† (Crane 123–124, 136–137, 141). Those changes of color correspond to the alteration of the survivors’ mood: from despair and anger at their disastrous state, to the growing feeling of camaraderie towards each other, and finally , to the understanding of the necessity for cooperation not only among each other but also with the nature for the overall success of their rescue. Mutual support and association with the forces of nature appear to be the key to ultimate survival of men in the seemingly hostile natural environment. It is no mere chance that the injured captain, who has demonstrated a high level of tolerance and encouragement to his team, realizes the dangers of coming too close to the shore and being trapped into a current instead of waiting for help from the rescue station. He demonstrates an insightful understanding of the Nature’s powers from the very start of the misfortune, answering the correspondent’s question on whether they will make it to the shore by the phrase â€Å"If this wind holds and the boat don’t swamp, we can’t do much else† (Crane 127). It designates his obedience to Nature and destiny and his awareness of the higher powers that guide human ex istence. Another revealing fact in support of the Nature’s importance for human life is the fate of the oiler. Being the most physically fit and trained for the battle of survival, he ventures to reach the shore swimming without any support from the dinghy and is the only one who perishes. Such is the result of his presumption and conceit in face of the omnipotent Nature which does not forgive petty arrogance and rewards cooperation instead.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Open Boat Theme specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Stephen Crane’s short story reflects such key concepts of literary Naturalism as natural determinism and Nature’s indifference and objectivity as opposed to the vanity and frailty of men. This story of human struggle and survival in a hostile natural environment teaches the lessons of necessity for cooperation and illusiveness of man’s free will in face of the eterna l laws of Nature. Works Cited Crane, Stephen. â€Å"The Open Boat.† The Red Badge of Courage and Other Stories. Eds. Anthony Matthew Mellors and Fiona Robertson. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1998. 123–146. Print. This essay on Open Boat Theme was written and submitted by user Eloise Whitaker to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

The Tiwanaku

The Tiwanaku and sacred public areas in the capital. Significantly, there were distinctly secular structures built at the top of the pyramid that Kolata interprets as domestic residences of an elite (117). Substantial quantities of domestic refuse were found in middens associated with these rectangular structures, which were built with finely cut stones and faced inward toward a patio area in a manner not unlike that of the much smaller and earlier buildings at Chiripa. Furthermore, the Akapana is interpreted as an artificial sacred mountain by Kolata (90). In conclusion, Kolata notes that there was a very dense population outsidee Tiwanaku's architectural core. Janusek's excavation, onehalf kilometer east of the architectural core in the area called AKE2, indicated dense residential structures that dated to his late Tiwanaku IV and Tiwanaku V (Kolata 78). These structures were on top of sterile, undisturbed strata, indicating that the first expansion of an urban nature in this area occurred in the Tiwanaku IV period, after Tiwanaku III or Qeya, and that the site was not occupied during the Upper Formative. However, the Tiwanaku IVV occupation was substantial. Overall, it seems that ethnohistorical,archaeological evidence is suggested t be the most reliable by Kolata.

Learning about DSM-IV TR Multiaxial System Assignment

Learning about DSM-IV TR Multiaxial System - Assignment Example Therefore he tells them that they should not make his penalty a light one. Father Gabriel takes Mendoza’s arsenal and has them linked in a satchel. He then connects the satchel across Mendoza’s hips. Though thoughtful, he delivers Mendoza to go up the Iguazu drops over and over again. Mendoza, bitter but extremely proud, refuses to take support and continues with the climbing of the drops. He lastly breaks and yowls out to God. One of the monks makes an effort to launch him from the struggling by untying the satchel from his hips so that he gets released from his penance. Mendoza however, reties the satchel. He states that he does not search for absolution from the clergyman but rather from the tribe. On this event, one group participant comes and reduces the satchel. He gets released from his penance. To indicate the tribe’s absolution, the shield gets tossed to the drops. Mendoza continues to create vows of chastity, hardship and behavior. He then becomes a Jes uit and gets approved by the same Indians he used to kidnap. Rodrigo Mendoza is first brought forth as a retched and ruthless man who oppresses the natives in a land where he himself is but a visitor. He kidnaps the natives and sells them to other rich retched farmers without any regard to the natives’ future or even to how the relatives of the kidnapped native will cope. He therefore gives out a negative aurora and causes great unrest to the native tribe. We learn that Rodrigo has a brother by the name Felipe Mendoza and a fiancà ©e called Carlotta. Rodrigo Mendoza shows a complete reverse of the previous personality depicted earlier. He shows great love and concern for the two. This is a complete flip of his attitude towards the rest of the tribe. These two additional individuals are included in order to compare the two that Rodrigo Mendoza shows. As much as

Image representation of Women in Magazines (which are targeted to Dissertation

Image representation of Women in Magazines (which are targeted to University Students) - Dissertation Example 1 Afghan Girl 4.3 Fig. 2 She looks spoiled 4.4 Fig. 3 â€Å"Quite a Pear† 4.5 Fig. 4 Wad 4.6 Fig. 5 Keep on Dreaming of a Better World 4.7. Fig. 6 It’s nice to have a girl around the house 4.8 Fig. 7 Dove Advertising 4.9 Fig. 8 Twiggy 4.10 Fig. 9 Do Men Hate Fat Women? 4.11 Fig. 10. Dolce and Gabbana Advertisement 4.12 Summary 5.0 Chapter Five: Discussion List of Figures References Appendices Abstract The research that was conducted for this study concerns the images in the media and their influence over women of university level age. Images in the media have been shown to have a powerful influence over the body image of young women, affecting their self esteem and their development of identity (Cash, Cash, and Butters 1983: Catterall, Maclaran, and Stevens 2000). In a study that discussed the responses to ten different images in a group setting with twelve women, the phenomenon of the way in which women experience influences by media images gave a new dimension through responses, both expected and unexpected. Broken into five chapters, this qualitative study examines the nature of media images and the impact that they have on society. Chapter One Introduction The effect of the representation of women in media through both photojournalism and fashion photography acts as a catalyst to emotional responses which have helped to frame the way in which women see themselves as members of Western culture. The issues of body image, self, and identity are often manipulated by the media as women grow from childhood through adolescence. The influences that media imposes upon women can often lead to issues such as anorexia, bulimia, BED (binge eating disorder), and other medically dangerous conditions. Objectification of women has now begun to shift to subjectification, leading women into a world where they must now be the aggressive sexual being, rather than the passive object. Through research conducted using images and the discussion of twelve women who wer e put into a focus group the concepts of image and self is explored through the information gathered within the interview process. In a qualitative study of the emotional responses to women when a ‘story’ or suggested interpretation of images was interjected, the concept of trend is also explored as it relates to the interpretation of the responses to the images. This type of research helps in understanding the way in which images influence the direction of how women perceive beauty and how they are positioned within the discourse of attractiveness. The power of photo imagery in contemporary discourse has influenced culture, making changes in the concept of beauty and ’normalcy’. 1.1Background The objectification of women is not a new concept. However, the ways in which images of women have been formulated to specifically associate women as objects as an everyday occurrence is a part of the information age. As advertising has become a cycling of images thr ough television, the internet, and print media such as magazines, the concept of female is habitually stripped of its identity and reformulated into creatures of ’otherness’, usable objects of the imagination. An example of this can be seen in Fig. 3, women are morphed with objects, redefined as something consumable as indicated in Fig. 4, and objects of manipulation as seen in Fig. 4. The nature

Comparison between India and Chinese political systems Essay

Comparison between India and Chinese political systems - Essay Example This does not mean that the communist and non-communist fronts do not means to discuss matters of national importance. In 1946, there was a call from the non-communist parties to hold a joint conference known as the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC). China’s political system is defined by such fundamental aspects as the laws and the Chinese constitution, the political structure, rules, regulations and practices which are limited by the state power, relationship between the state and societies and the government. It is during the CPPCC that both communists and non-communists came together with the democratic personages and adopted a provisional constitution for the Chinese. Concurrently, the Central Peoples Government was founded and elected by the political elites in China leading to the foundation of the People Republic of China (Pomfret, 2007, p 91). The formation of the Chinese republic marked the beginning of democracy since the non- communi sts became active participants in decision making and consultants on issues facing the state and its political systems. Likewise democracy is observed by electing members from non-communist parties as deputies to the CPC and in committees of the CPPCC. The Chinese constitution provides for standing committees, national congresses and government organs for instance cultural, economic, educational, technological, scientific and economic departments which are mostly headed by non-communist party leaders. Such a step is pertinent since the non-communists are meant to be whistle blowers and watch digs to monitor government activities and expenditure. For a long time, the two fronts have had a peaceful co-existence while engaging in mutual... Comparison between India and Chinese political systems India as a country is faced by several political challenges which emanate from different communities some of which demand for social rights, economic empowerment, autonomy of cultures, autonomy of states and others make demands to the government to grant them independence to break from the Indian Union. Despite having these governance problems the country still survives as a democratic single state although there a number of political problems that remains unsolved by the Indian government. Similar to India, China is a communist state with many political parties with the lead part being the Communist Party of China (CPC). Despite having many political parties in both countries, India has more parties as compared to China. Many political parties translate into a high expenditure of time and resources and this are among the factors that have pulled behind the Indian economy since their political structure, functions and environment does not favor creation of multimillion empires invest ments from international firms. These differences have resulted in creation of a divide among the many Indians who are now lobbying for division of India into states or according to political fronts. According to Professor John Quiggin in his article entitled â€Å"Chinas Imminent Collapse†, China is set for tough economic and political times which will likely be caused by runaway inflation. It is a fact that communist economies are yet to face a hard time in the wake of economic crisis that are facing the world starting with European Countries such as Greece.

Literature Review of Gender and Stalking

Literature Review of Gender and Stalking An Introduction to Issues of Gender in Stalking Research Stalking has been the subject of empirical examination for a little over 20 years. Interest in stalking both empirical and public has increased substantially within the last decade (see Figure 1).   A PsycINFO search of the first decade of stalking research yields only 74 hits. In contrast, the year 2000 marked an upswing of serious investigation with the publication of the first special issue on stalking (Frieze Davis, 2000). There were 56 publications on stalking in 2000 alone and over 600 publications on the topic published between 2000 and 2010.   The research on stalking has examined predictors of perpetration, consequences of victimization, and public perceptions of stalking. Within each of these domains, one of the lingering questions has been: what role does gender play in stalking? Accordingly, this special issue is intended to contribute to the literature by using gender as a focus point in 1) applying new theoretical perspectives to the study of stalking perpetration (Davis, Swan, Gambone, this issue; Duntley Buss, this issue), 2) extending our knowledge of women and mens (Sheridan Lyndon, this issue; Thompson, Dennison, Stewart, this issue) stalking experiences, and 3) furthering the study of perceptions of stalking (Cass Rosay, this issue; Dunlap, Hodell, Golding, Wasarhaley, this issue; Sinclair, this issue; Yanowitz Yanowitz, this issue). To place this special issue in context of the current state of knowledge on gender and stalking, we will review the state of the current research on examining the role of gender with regard to stalking victimization, perpetration, and the lay and legal perceptions of stalking. We will conclude with a summary of how each of the articles included herein contribute to our knowledge about the role of gender in stalking research. However, it is important to start with clarifying what is meant by the term â€Å"stalking.† The model federal anti-stalking law in the US legally defines stalking as â€Å"a course of conduct directed at a specific person that involves repeated visual or physical proximity, nonconsensual communication, or verbal, written, or implied threats, or a combination thereof, that would cause a reasonable person fear† (National Criminal Justice Association Project, 1993, p. 43-44).   Legal definitions differ across US states, but they tend to have three characteristics: 1) a pattern or â€Å"course of conduct† 2) of unwanted or intrusive harassing behaviors that 3) induces fear of bodily harm or substantial emotional distress in the target (Spitzberg, Cupach, Ciceraro, 2010). Additional terminology has been used in stalking research to discuss unwanted attention, particularly from a romantic pursuer, that does not meet the fear or â€Å"substantial† distress criteria of anti-stalking laws. Alternative labels for these unwanted behaviors engaged in during purs uit of a romantic relationship include â€Å"unwanted pursuit† (Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Palarea, Cohen, Rohling, 2000), â€Å"pre-stalking† (Emerson, Ferris, Gardner, 1998), â€Å"obsessive relational intrusion† (ORI: Cupach Spitzberg, 1998, 2004), harassment, or unwanted â€Å"courtship persistence† (Sinclair Frieze, 2000). Whether gender differences may emerge, particularly in perpetration and victimization statistics, may depend on whether the researcher is examining â€Å"stalking† or â€Å"unwanted pursuit.†Ã‚   In fact, as will be discussed throughout this paper, much of the debate about gender differences is largely due to two variables: 1) how stalking is operationalized and 2) what sample is examined. We turn to these issues, and others, first starting with our review of the stalking victimization literature.   Note, our focus for the duration of this paper is on the dominant form of stalking; stalking that occurs within a relational context. Victims One of the questions surrounding gender differences in stalking research is whether women are more likely to be victims of stalking than men. Statistics clearly indicate that the majority of stalking cases often follows the rejection of an intimate relationship (Baum et al., 2009; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Historically, intimate aggression (e.g., domestic violence, acquaintance rape) has been perceived as synonymous with violence against women because it was believed that the majority of intimate aggression targeted women.   However, this belief that victims of intimate aggression are disproportionately female has been controversial (see Archer, 2000). Likewise, we find that the assertion that stalking victims are predominantly women is not without its controversy.   In the first US national study of stalking victimization, Tjaden and Thoennes (1998) reported that 8% of women and 1.1% of men qualify qualified as stalking victims when the definition was limited to those who are were extremely afraid. The victimization rate climbs climbed to 13% of women and 2.2% of men when somewhat afraid is was used. Thus, a gender difference was still quite apparent when fear was a criterion. In contrast, the British Crime Survey (Budd Mattinson, 2000), which did not require any experiences of fear, reported that 4% of women and 1.7% of men were victims of persistent and unwanted attention. In a more recent US national survey, Baum et al. (2009) found that more stalking victims were women than men when using the legal definition that includes victim fear. In contrast, no gender difference emerged in harassment victimization, which does not include the fear requirement. Further, all of these studies show that women are more likely to be stalked by a prior intim ate than men, who are equally likely to be stalked by acquaintances or intimates.   When focusing on unwanted pursuits, which can include stalking, in the relational contextS studies examining unwanted pursuit have to grapple with definitional issues as well as issues of sample. Studies of unwanted pursuit and ORI are primarily conducted among American college students and have often found few or small gender differences in rates of unwanted pursuit victimization. Among US college students, women and men who rejected a romantic relationship did not differ in their reports of experiencing unwanted pursuit behaviors, such as following and threats of physical assault (e.g., Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Phillips et al., 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2000; Spitzberg, Nicastro, Cousins, 1998). When differences are found, they may be minimal.Overall, Spitzberg et al.s (2010) latest meta-analysis of US college students who experienced persistent pursuit found that women were 55% more likely to have been pursued than men. Comparing these statistics with national statistic s which find women 3-7 times more likely to be stalked, a difference of .55 seems minimal.   Clearly how one concludes whether someone is a victim of stalking depends not only on how one asks the question (requiring fear or not) but who one is asking (college sample vs. national sample). Yet, it seems safe to conclude that women do outnumber men when it comes to victimization rates. To Fear or Not to Fear Where consistent gender differences have been found is that women are more likely to view unwanted pursuit as threatening (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Spitzberg et al., 2010). The inclusion of fear appears to decrease prevalence rates for men, as men are less likely to report fear than are women (Bjerregaard, 2000; Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Davis, Ace, Andra, 2000; Emerson et al., 1998; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a).   This difference in reports of fear could be due to men actually not feeling afraid, only reporting they are not afraid, or experiencing less severe stalking behavior. It is difficult to parse the true reason. In general, men appear less willing to report fear due to socially desirable responding (Sutton Farrall, 2005) and men discount their risk of victimization (Stanko Hobdell, 1993).   Also, Mmany male victims of stalking do not perceive any threat from their pursuers and therefore do not identify their experience as stalking (Tjaden, Thoennes, Allison, 2000; Sheridan , et al., 2002). Male victims of interpersonal violence report they are more likely to react with laughter than are women (Romito Grassi, 2007) and men discount their risk of victimization (Stanko Hobdell, 1993). Likewise, Emerson, Ferris, and Gardners (1998) US community sample of victims revealed that men felt less vulnerable and threatened than did women. Men who do seek protection from their ex-girlfriends may experience informal social sanctions (Hall, 1998) and be treated with contempt or laughter by legal professionals (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2001). Accordingly, some have argued that the laws emphasis on fear reduces male prevalence rates (Tjaden et al., 2000) and may lead people to discount male victims who may actually need assistance from law enforcement (Baum et. al, 2009; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Emphasizing fear in stalking definitions may also affect womens reporting of intimate partner stalking. Stalking targeting women is primarily perpetrated by intimates (Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a), but women are paradoxically more afraid of strangers (Pain, 1996). For example, Dietz and Martin (2007) found that women were more afraid of strangers than of boyfriends. Also, Dunn (1999) demonstrated how a group of sorority women reported that they would feel anxious if a man suddenly showed up at their doorstep, but found it romantic and flattering if he showed up with flowers especially when he was . The women also felt more flattered byan ex-partner, s than byrather than a casual dates engaging in the same behaviors. Women may thus be more likely than men to minimize unwanted pursuit when it can be interpreted as romantic (Dunn, 1999; Emerson et al., 1998; Lee, 1998), while men may be more dismissive in general. Frequency counts of stalking thus may not tell the whole story of stalking vi ctimization. For example, general population samples in the UK and the US (Budd Mattinson, 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a) find that women are victims of intimate partner stalking, while men are equally likely to be stalked by partners and acquaintances (exception: Purcell et al.s, 2001 Australian clinical sample); so while it is true that intimate partner stalking is the most prevalent type, there are somewhat differential experiences for women and men. Consequences Coping Even if it is the case that men and women may be targeted in equal numbers by unwanted pursuit behaviors (Bjerregaard, 2000; Haugaard Seri, 2004; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Spitzberg et al., 1998), there are differences in the impact of that unwanted attention. Stalking victims report a wide range of negative consequences, including psychological health problems (e.g., depression, anxiety, PTSD symptomotology), physical health problems (e.g., disturbances in appetite and sleep, headaches, nausea, and damage from the perpetrator), economic losses (e.g., spending money on protective efforts, lost wages, and expenses), and social losses (e.g., losing touch with friends, getting unlisted phone numbers, reducing social activities) (see Bjerregaard, 2000; Centers for Disease Control, 2003; Davis et al., 2002; Dressing, Kuehner, Gass, 2005; Kamphuis Emmelkamp, 2001; Pathà © Mullen, 1997; Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001). Even if it is the case that men and women may be targeted in equal numbers by unwanted pursuit behaviors (Bjerregaard, 2000; Haugaard Seri, 2004; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Spitzberg et al., 1998), there are differences in the impact of that unwanted attention. Of these consequences, Davis et al. (2000) found that In addition to finding that female stalking victims had a higher risk of physical and mental health problems than male victims.   Further,, once again highlighting the importance of fear, Davis et al. (2000) found that greater fear was associated with greater health problems for women, but not for men. Also, Bjerregaard (2000) found that female victims of stalking were more likely to have been physically harmed by their stalker than were male victims, and reported greater impact on their emotional health.   It may seem as if one could draw the conclusion that women suffer greater health consequences (Jordan, 2009), but this conclusion is not without its exceptions (Pimlott-Kubiak Cortina, 2003; Wigman, 2009) Stal king is also comorbid with physical, sexual, and psychological abuse female stalking victims experience (Brewster, 2003; Coleman, 1997; Jordan, Wilcox, Pritchard, 2007; Logan, Leukefeld, Walker, 2000; Mechanic, Uhlmansick, Weaver, Resick, 2000; Spitzberg Rhea, 1999; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Among battered women, Mechanic and colleagues (Mechanic et al., 2000; Mechanic et al., 2002) have found that experiencing stalking contributes to higher levels of depression, fear, and post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) than physical abuse alone. TRANSITION NEEDED.   Stalking victims take a variety of steps to protect themselves, including confronting the stalker (or having a third party do so), changing their home, school, or workplace, or seeking a protection order (Pathà © Mullen, 1997; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). Some of the most common coping tactics for stalking victims involve a passive strategy, with tactics like ignoring or otherwise minimizing the problem (college students, Amar Alexy, 2010, Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Fremouw et al., 1997; Jason, Reichler, Easton, Neal, Wilson, 1984, self-identified victims in a Dutch community Kamphpuis, Emmelkamp, Bartak, 2003). Women are more likely than men to seek help in general. In particular, women are more likely than men to seek counseling and to file a protection order (Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a), and to take more security precautions, including avoiding people or places (Budd Mattinson, 2000), and to confide in a close friend or family member for help (Spitzberg et al. , 1998). In their study on unwanted pursuit in US college students, Cupach and Spitzberg (2000) found that women reported more interaction (e.g., yelled at the person), and protection (e.g., called the police), and less retaliation (e.g., threatened physical harm) than men. Both genders coped using evasion (e.g., ignored them). However, while men and women had different help-seeking patterns, the differences themselves were very small (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Spitzberg, 2002). In sum, gender differences emerge in more severe experiences, which usually involve a legally-defined fearful victim found in general population samples and those drawn from clinical or forensic populations (Baum, Catalano, Rand, Rose, 2009; Bjerregaard, 2000; Sheridan, Gillett, Davies, 2002 vs. Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). In contrast, studies employing college student samples that use a non-fear based definition often do not find such gender differences (Cupach Spitzberg, 1998, 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Phillips et al., 2004; Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2002). Meta-analyses have shown that clinical and forensic samples do have higher prevalence rates than student or community samples; clinical and forensic samples also reveal a stronger pattern of male perpetrators and female victims (Spitzberg, 2002; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Spitzberg, Cupach, Ciceraro, 2010).   We may conclude that there are meaningful gender differences in the ex perience of stalking, but some of these differences may be minimal (Spitzberg et al., 2010). Perpetrators When it comes to examining gender differences in stalking perpetration, we are confronted with some of the same issues.   It makes a difference whether we are examining stalking or, more broadly, unwanted pursuit behaviors.   It also matters which sample is being examined.   However, gender differences in rates of perpetration seem easier to come by.   The issue of whether men stalk more than women is subject to one of the problems that drive questions of victimization: which samples we study. The issue of whether stalking is operationalized using the requirement that victims feel fear is trickier. We cant use the same standard with perpetrators, who may not be able or willing to convey whether their victim was fearful. While we may assume that aggressive stalking behaviors like vandalism, threats, and physical harm are more severe than showing up unexpectedly or repeated phone calls, the meaning and impact of these behaviors may be similar. Depending upon the context of the behavior, even excessive declarations of love may lead to probable cause for fear (Emerson et al. 1998). However, as with victimization studies, males and females in some college student samples report no gender differences in engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors toward an intimate partner (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Dutton Winstead, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). For example, Baum et al.s (2009) found in the data from a US national US survey revealed that approximately 60% of stalkers were male, 28% were female, and the rest were unable to be identified by their victim. Overall, Spitzberg and Cupachs (2003) meta-analysis found that males make up 82% of stalkers, while females represent 18% of stalkers. HoweverIn sum, the most recent meta-analysis of stalking and unwanted pursuit found that 23.90% of men have perpetrated stalking behavior, while compared to 11.92% of women did so (Spitzberg Cupach, 2010). However, as with victimization studies, some college student surveys reveal no gender differences in engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors toward an intimate partner (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Dutton Winstead, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). College students frequently report engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors, with up to 99% doing at least one (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). Between 30 and 36% of Davis et al.s (2000) US college student sample reported engaging in one to five acts, and 7 to 10% reported six or more. The most frequent behaviors are various forms of unwanted communication and showing up at work/home/school. Aggressive pursuit behaviors are more infrequent (Davis et al., 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000). In general, unwanted pursuit perpetration in college students involves similar numbers of male and female perpetrators, while stalking among general or clinical populations is predominantl y perpetrated by men (Allen, Swan, Raghavan, 2009; Baum et al., 2009; Budd Mattinson, 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). This pattern parallels the findings regarding dating and domestic violence perpetration. Like the pattern between unwanted pursuit and stalking, dating violence and domestic violence involve similar behaviors with differing prevalence rates, predictors of perpetration, and consequences for women and men (Archer, 2000; Bookwala, Frieze, Smith, Ryan, 1992). In this sense, less severe levels of unwanted pursuit or harassment may mirror Johnsons (1995) category of common couple violence, while more severe levels of stalking equal intimate terrorism (Johnson Ferraro, 2000). The debate of whether gender shapes the experience of IPV leads to research comparing the quantity of male and female victims and perpetrators, but also whether experiences are qualitatively different. In other words, are there gender differences in who perpetrators stalk; their choice of stalking behaviors, and their motivations? Types of Behaviors There is some evidence that women and men engage in slightly different individual stalking behaviors. In both forensic and college student samples in the US and Australia, men are more likely to make in-person contact (e.g., â€Å"approach† behavior; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000), to follow their victims or loiter (Purcell et al., 2001; Purcell et al., 2010), and to inflict property damage (Purcell et al., 2010). Women, on the other hand, are more likely to engage in behaviors that do not confront the target face-to-face, such as making unwanted calls or leaving unwanted phone messages (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Purcell et al., 2001; Purcell et al., 2010), spreading rumors, or employing others in harassing the victim (Purcell et al., 2010). These patterns are not universal, however, as Dutton and Winstead (2006)s US college student sample found that women reported more monitoring and physically hurting their targets than men. In terms of cyberstalking behaviors,. Burke, Wallen, Vail-Smith, and Knox (2011) found that US college student men were more likely than women to report experiencing and engaging in the use of spyware, photos, and cameras to monitor and pursue their partner (e.g., using GPS devices, web cams, and spyware to monitor their partner). In contrast, college student women were more likely to report excessive communication and checking behaviors (e.g., checking cell phone and e-mail histories, making excessive phone calls and e-mails, checking social networking sites, and using their partners passwords).. However, in a study on pursuit behaviors perpetrated on Facebook, Lyndon, Bonds-Raacke, and Cratty (in press) found no gender differences in US college students   in the three types of behaviors people perpetrated on Facebook to harass their ex-partner: covert provocation (20-54%; e.g., post poetry or lyrics in status updates to taunt ex-partner), venting (7-11%; e.g., write inappropriate or mean things about ex-partner on Facebook), and public harassment (3-10%; e.g., create a false Facebook profile of ex-partner). Thus far the ambiguity about whether gender differences exist in cyberpursuit appears to mirror the findings regarding unwanted pursuit behaviors for women and men, but we need more research on using technology to stalkcyberstalking, especially with perpetrators. One of the most pressing questions regarding stalking is when it might escalate into physically violent behaviors.   Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Both male and female stalkers are more likely to be violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002). Other predictors of stalking-related violence include prior criminal convictions (Mullen et al., 1999; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999). Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Evidence is mixed as to whether there are gender differences in those who are likely to become violent. Some research using US college student samples suggest that female unwanted pursuit perpetrators of unwanted pursuit engage in more mild aggressive stalking behaviors than men (Dutton Winstead, 2006; Williams Frieze, 2005). However, other college student samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). StillIn contrast, others find that men are more likely than women to threaten their victims (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000) and to escalate from threats to physical assaults, as reported in both Australian forensic samples (Purcell et al., 2001) and meta-analyses (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). Former romantic partnersEx-intimate stalkers, who are mostly male, are the most violent compared to other categories of stalkers, a pattern that is consistent across culture and sample type (McEwan, Mullen, MacKenzie, Ogloff, 2009; Meloy, Davis, Lovette, 2001; Mohandie, Meloy, McGowan, Williams, 2006; Palrea, Zona , Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999; Sheridan, Blaauw, Davies, 2003; Sheridan Davies, 2001). Given that men are more likely to stalk ex-intimate partners than women (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998), it seems that we should find more male-perpetrated stalking violence. However, other college student samples and forensic samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). HoweverFor example, current evidence with forensic samples shows no gender differences in actual stalking cases regarding stalker lethality (Mullen et al., 1999; Purcell et al., 2001; Rosenfeld Lewis, 2005).   Specifically, both male and female stalkers can turn violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002).   Evidently, more research is needed to sort out whether gender is a useful predictor of extreme stalking and violence. Motivations and Violence While there are some differences in how men and women pursue, there also may be some differences in their motivations for doing so. Victims in general population studies often attribute the stalkers motivation to attempts to keep them in a relationship, as well as a desire to control the them (Budd Mattinson, 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). Mullen and colleagues (1999) have classified their samples of clinical and forensic stalkers in Australia into five motivation groups: rejected, intimacy-seeker, incompetent suitor, resentful, and predatory types, but have not found consistent gender differences between the groups. Stalking behaviors appear to be motivated most commonly by intimacy (e.g., a desire for reconciliation and feelings of love), with the second most common motive being aggression retaliation (e.g., a desire for revenge; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). In fact, perpetrators often report both motives for reconciliation of a relationship and for revenge (Mullen, Pathà ©, Purcel l, Stuart, 1999; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). These Cclinical/forensic rejected stalkers who are motivated by a mix of reconciliation and revenge needs have a higher likelihood of assaulting their victims than other motivation groups (Mullen et al., 2006). Gender differences in motivations for stalking have been noted in juvenile forensic samples. Juvenile female stalkers more likely to be motivated by bullying and retaliation whereas juvenile male stalkers were have been found to be motivated more by rejection and sexual predation (Purcell et al., 2010).   In a 2001 study of adult stalkers in Australia, Purcell and colleagues found that women were more likely to target professional acquaintances and less likely to target strangers than men. Nonetheless, the majority of female stalkers were still clearly motivated by the desire to establish intimacy with their target, whereas mens motivations were diverse, spreading across the five categories. Likewise, in Meloys (2003) study of 82 female stalkers from the US, Canada, and Australia, he found the female stalkers were more likely to be motivated by a desire to establish intimacy, whereas men were known to stalk to restore intimacy. Ultimately, Tthere is a large gap in stalking motivati on research, particularly using non-forensic samples.   Clinical/forensic rejected stalkers who are motivated by a mix of reconciliation and revenge needs have a higher likelihood of assaulting their victims than other motivation groups (Mullen et al., 2006). Both male and female stalkers are more likely to be violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002). Other predictors of stalking-related violence include prior criminal convictions (Mullen et al., 1999; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999). Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Evidence is mixed as to whether there are gender differences in those who are likely to become violent. Some research using US college student samples suggest that female unwanted pursuit perpetrators engage in more mild aggressive stalking behaviors (Dutton Winstead, 2006; Williams Frieze, 2005). However, other college student samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). Still others find that men are more likely than women to threaten their victims (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000) and to escalate from threats to physical assaults, as reported in both Australian forensic samples (Purcell et al., 2001) and meta-analyses (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). Former romantic partners are the most violent compared to other categories of stalkers, a pattern that is consistent across culture and sample type (McEwan, Mullen, MacKenzie, Ogloff, 2009; Meloy, Davis, Lovette, 2001; Mohandie, Meloy, McGowan, William s, 2006; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999; Sheridan, Blaauw, Davies, 2003; Sheridan Davies, 2001). Given that men are more likely to stalk ex-intimate partners than women (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998), it seems that we should find more male-perpetrated stalking violence. However, current evidence with forensic samples shows no gender differences in actual stalking cases regarding stalker lethality (Mullen et al., 1999; Purcell et al., 2001; Rosenfeld Lewis, 2005).   Single surveys of Ccollege student samples ofabout unwanted pursuit and obsessive relational intrusion are the least likely to find fewgender differences in perpetration rates. However, meta-analyses and US and UK general population studies find that men are more likely to be stalking perpetrators than women, regardless of the victims gender (Baum et al., 2009; Budd Mattinson, 2000; Spitzberg, 2002; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a).While the size of this gender difference varies, it is consistent across methodologies (Spitzberg Cupach, 2003). There are some gender differences in the types of stalking and cyberstalking perpetrationbehaviors e.g., men being more direct and women more indirect and in pursuers motives women being predominantly motivated by intimacy-seeking and men having a broader array of motives. However, we need more research on perpetration to better understand if gender is an important predictor to consider, especially with regard to the likelihood of escalation.   w ith a variety of samples and with better means of differentiating unwanted pursuit from stalking. Perceptions of stalking As attention to the problem of stalking has increased, so has public opinion been shaped.   However, there is not a true consensus in these opinions. Rather, people vary in how much they understand about stalking.   It can be unclear when the line between   normal relational pursuit and stalking is crossed (Dunn, 1999; Emerson et al., 1998; Lee, 1998; Sinclair Frieze, 2000, 2005). Perceptions can also diverge regarding multiple issues including: 1) which behaviors qualify as stalking, 2) how many behavior are enough to represent a â€Å"course of conduct,† 3) is stalking really serious, 4) what   perpetrator intent may have been, 5) whether and how we should incorporate victim fear levels to judge stalking severity, and 6) what is â€Å"real† stalking (e.g., stranger vs. acquaintance stalking). Within each of these issues, gender may influence the perceptions people hold, both lay persons and legal decision-makers. Stalking in the Eye of the Beholder: The Role of Perceiver Gender The literature is still mixed as to whether men and women differ in judgments to use a label of stalking. Some researchers report that men and women do not differ in terms of which behaviors qualify as stalking (e.g., Kinkade, Burns, Fuentes, 2005; Phillips et al., 2004, in Experiment 1; Sheridan Davies, 2001; Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001; Sheridan et al., 2002; Sheridan, Gillet, Davies, Blaauw, Patel, 2003). Others have found Literature Review of Gender and Stalking Literature Review of Gender and Stalking An Introduction to Issues of Gender in Stalking Research Stalking has been the subject of empirical examination for a little over 20 years. Interest in stalking both empirical and public has increased substantially within the last decade (see Figure 1).   A PsycINFO search of the first decade of stalking research yields only 74 hits. In contrast, the year 2000 marked an upswing of serious investigation with the publication of the first special issue on stalking (Frieze Davis, 2000). There were 56 publications on stalking in 2000 alone and over 600 publications on the topic published between 2000 and 2010.   The research on stalking has examined predictors of perpetration, consequences of victimization, and public perceptions of stalking. Within each of these domains, one of the lingering questions has been: what role does gender play in stalking? Accordingly, this special issue is intended to contribute to the literature by using gender as a focus point in 1) applying new theoretical perspectives to the study of stalking perpetration (Davis, Swan, Gambone, this issue; Duntley Buss, this issue), 2) extending our knowledge of women and mens (Sheridan Lyndon, this issue; Thompson, Dennison, Stewart, this issue) stalking experiences, and 3) furthering the study of perceptions of stalking (Cass Rosay, this issue; Dunlap, Hodell, Golding, Wasarhaley, this issue; Sinclair, this issue; Yanowitz Yanowitz, this issue). To place this special issue in context of the current state of knowledge on gender and stalking, we will review the state of the current research on examining the role of gender with regard to stalking victimization, perpetration, and the lay and legal perceptions of stalking. We will conclude with a summary of how each of the articles included herein contribute to our knowledge about the role of gender in stalking research. However, it is important to start with clarifying what is meant by the term â€Å"stalking.† The model federal anti-stalking law in the US legally defines stalking as â€Å"a course of conduct directed at a specific person that involves repeated visual or physical proximity, nonconsensual communication, or verbal, written, or implied threats, or a combination thereof, that would cause a reasonable person fear† (National Criminal Justice Association Project, 1993, p. 43-44).   Legal definitions differ across US states, but they tend to have three characteristics: 1) a pattern or â€Å"course of conduct† 2) of unwanted or intrusive harassing behaviors that 3) induces fear of bodily harm or substantial emotional distress in the target (Spitzberg, Cupach, Ciceraro, 2010). Additional terminology has been used in stalking research to discuss unwanted attention, particularly from a romantic pursuer, that does not meet the fear or â€Å"substantial† distress criteria of anti-stalking laws. Alternative labels for these unwanted behaviors engaged in during purs uit of a romantic relationship include â€Å"unwanted pursuit† (Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Palarea, Cohen, Rohling, 2000), â€Å"pre-stalking† (Emerson, Ferris, Gardner, 1998), â€Å"obsessive relational intrusion† (ORI: Cupach Spitzberg, 1998, 2004), harassment, or unwanted â€Å"courtship persistence† (Sinclair Frieze, 2000). Whether gender differences may emerge, particularly in perpetration and victimization statistics, may depend on whether the researcher is examining â€Å"stalking† or â€Å"unwanted pursuit.†Ã‚   In fact, as will be discussed throughout this paper, much of the debate about gender differences is largely due to two variables: 1) how stalking is operationalized and 2) what sample is examined. We turn to these issues, and others, first starting with our review of the stalking victimization literature.   Note, our focus for the duration of this paper is on the dominant form of stalking; stalking that occurs within a relational context. Victims One of the questions surrounding gender differences in stalking research is whether women are more likely to be victims of stalking than men. Statistics clearly indicate that the majority of stalking cases often follows the rejection of an intimate relationship (Baum et al., 2009; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Historically, intimate aggression (e.g., domestic violence, acquaintance rape) has been perceived as synonymous with violence against women because it was believed that the majority of intimate aggression targeted women.   However, this belief that victims of intimate aggression are disproportionately female has been controversial (see Archer, 2000). Likewise, we find that the assertion that stalking victims are predominantly women is not without its controversy.   In the first US national study of stalking victimization, Tjaden and Thoennes (1998) reported that 8% of women and 1.1% of men qualify qualified as stalking victims when the definition was limited to those who are were extremely afraid. The victimization rate climbs climbed to 13% of women and 2.2% of men when somewhat afraid is was used. Thus, a gender difference was still quite apparent when fear was a criterion. In contrast, the British Crime Survey (Budd Mattinson, 2000), which did not require any experiences of fear, reported that 4% of women and 1.7% of men were victims of persistent and unwanted attention. In a more recent US national survey, Baum et al. (2009) found that more stalking victims were women than men when using the legal definition that includes victim fear. In contrast, no gender difference emerged in harassment victimization, which does not include the fear requirement. Further, all of these studies show that women are more likely to be stalked by a prior intim ate than men, who are equally likely to be stalked by acquaintances or intimates.   When focusing on unwanted pursuits, which can include stalking, in the relational contextS studies examining unwanted pursuit have to grapple with definitional issues as well as issues of sample. Studies of unwanted pursuit and ORI are primarily conducted among American college students and have often found few or small gender differences in rates of unwanted pursuit victimization. Among US college students, women and men who rejected a romantic relationship did not differ in their reports of experiencing unwanted pursuit behaviors, such as following and threats of physical assault (e.g., Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Phillips et al., 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2000; Spitzberg, Nicastro, Cousins, 1998). When differences are found, they may be minimal.Overall, Spitzberg et al.s (2010) latest meta-analysis of US college students who experienced persistent pursuit found that women were 55% more likely to have been pursued than men. Comparing these statistics with national statistic s which find women 3-7 times more likely to be stalked, a difference of .55 seems minimal.   Clearly how one concludes whether someone is a victim of stalking depends not only on how one asks the question (requiring fear or not) but who one is asking (college sample vs. national sample). Yet, it seems safe to conclude that women do outnumber men when it comes to victimization rates. To Fear or Not to Fear Where consistent gender differences have been found is that women are more likely to view unwanted pursuit as threatening (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Spitzberg et al., 2010). The inclusion of fear appears to decrease prevalence rates for men, as men are less likely to report fear than are women (Bjerregaard, 2000; Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Davis, Ace, Andra, 2000; Emerson et al., 1998; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a).   This difference in reports of fear could be due to men actually not feeling afraid, only reporting they are not afraid, or experiencing less severe stalking behavior. It is difficult to parse the true reason. In general, men appear less willing to report fear due to socially desirable responding (Sutton Farrall, 2005) and men discount their risk of victimization (Stanko Hobdell, 1993).   Also, Mmany male victims of stalking do not perceive any threat from their pursuers and therefore do not identify their experience as stalking (Tjaden, Thoennes, Allison, 2000; Sheridan , et al., 2002). Male victims of interpersonal violence report they are more likely to react with laughter than are women (Romito Grassi, 2007) and men discount their risk of victimization (Stanko Hobdell, 1993). Likewise, Emerson, Ferris, and Gardners (1998) US community sample of victims revealed that men felt less vulnerable and threatened than did women. Men who do seek protection from their ex-girlfriends may experience informal social sanctions (Hall, 1998) and be treated with contempt or laughter by legal professionals (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2001). Accordingly, some have argued that the laws emphasis on fear reduces male prevalence rates (Tjaden et al., 2000) and may lead people to discount male victims who may actually need assistance from law enforcement (Baum et. al, 2009; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Emphasizing fear in stalking definitions may also affect womens reporting of intimate partner stalking. Stalking targeting women is primarily perpetrated by intimates (Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a), but women are paradoxically more afraid of strangers (Pain, 1996). For example, Dietz and Martin (2007) found that women were more afraid of strangers than of boyfriends. Also, Dunn (1999) demonstrated how a group of sorority women reported that they would feel anxious if a man suddenly showed up at their doorstep, but found it romantic and flattering if he showed up with flowers especially when he was . The women also felt more flattered byan ex-partner, s than byrather than a casual dates engaging in the same behaviors. Women may thus be more likely than men to minimize unwanted pursuit when it can be interpreted as romantic (Dunn, 1999; Emerson et al., 1998; Lee, 1998), while men may be more dismissive in general. Frequency counts of stalking thus may not tell the whole story of stalking vi ctimization. For example, general population samples in the UK and the US (Budd Mattinson, 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a) find that women are victims of intimate partner stalking, while men are equally likely to be stalked by partners and acquaintances (exception: Purcell et al.s, 2001 Australian clinical sample); so while it is true that intimate partner stalking is the most prevalent type, there are somewhat differential experiences for women and men. Consequences Coping Even if it is the case that men and women may be targeted in equal numbers by unwanted pursuit behaviors (Bjerregaard, 2000; Haugaard Seri, 2004; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Spitzberg et al., 1998), there are differences in the impact of that unwanted attention. Stalking victims report a wide range of negative consequences, including psychological health problems (e.g., depression, anxiety, PTSD symptomotology), physical health problems (e.g., disturbances in appetite and sleep, headaches, nausea, and damage from the perpetrator), economic losses (e.g., spending money on protective efforts, lost wages, and expenses), and social losses (e.g., losing touch with friends, getting unlisted phone numbers, reducing social activities) (see Bjerregaard, 2000; Centers for Disease Control, 2003; Davis et al., 2002; Dressing, Kuehner, Gass, 2005; Kamphuis Emmelkamp, 2001; Pathà © Mullen, 1997; Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001). Even if it is the case that men and women may be targeted in equal numbers by unwanted pursuit behaviors (Bjerregaard, 2000; Haugaard Seri, 2004; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Spitzberg et al., 1998), there are differences in the impact of that unwanted attention. Of these consequences, Davis et al. (2000) found that In addition to finding that female stalking victims had a higher risk of physical and mental health problems than male victims.   Further,, once again highlighting the importance of fear, Davis et al. (2000) found that greater fear was associated with greater health problems for women, but not for men. Also, Bjerregaard (2000) found that female victims of stalking were more likely to have been physically harmed by their stalker than were male victims, and reported greater impact on their emotional health.   It may seem as if one could draw the conclusion that women suffer greater health consequences (Jordan, 2009), but this conclusion is not without its exceptions (Pimlott-Kubiak Cortina, 2003; Wigman, 2009) Stal king is also comorbid with physical, sexual, and psychological abuse female stalking victims experience (Brewster, 2003; Coleman, 1997; Jordan, Wilcox, Pritchard, 2007; Logan, Leukefeld, Walker, 2000; Mechanic, Uhlmansick, Weaver, Resick, 2000; Spitzberg Rhea, 1999; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Among battered women, Mechanic and colleagues (Mechanic et al., 2000; Mechanic et al., 2002) have found that experiencing stalking contributes to higher levels of depression, fear, and post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) than physical abuse alone. TRANSITION NEEDED.   Stalking victims take a variety of steps to protect themselves, including confronting the stalker (or having a third party do so), changing their home, school, or workplace, or seeking a protection order (Pathà © Mullen, 1997; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). Some of the most common coping tactics for stalking victims involve a passive strategy, with tactics like ignoring or otherwise minimizing the problem (college students, Amar Alexy, 2010, Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Fremouw et al., 1997; Jason, Reichler, Easton, Neal, Wilson, 1984, self-identified victims in a Dutch community Kamphpuis, Emmelkamp, Bartak, 2003). Women are more likely than men to seek help in general. In particular, women are more likely than men to seek counseling and to file a protection order (Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a), and to take more security precautions, including avoiding people or places (Budd Mattinson, 2000), and to confide in a close friend or family member for help (Spitzberg et al. , 1998). In their study on unwanted pursuit in US college students, Cupach and Spitzberg (2000) found that women reported more interaction (e.g., yelled at the person), and protection (e.g., called the police), and less retaliation (e.g., threatened physical harm) than men. Both genders coped using evasion (e.g., ignored them). However, while men and women had different help-seeking patterns, the differences themselves were very small (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Spitzberg, 2002). In sum, gender differences emerge in more severe experiences, which usually involve a legally-defined fearful victim found in general population samples and those drawn from clinical or forensic populations (Baum, Catalano, Rand, Rose, 2009; Bjerregaard, 2000; Sheridan, Gillett, Davies, 2002 vs. Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). In contrast, studies employing college student samples that use a non-fear based definition often do not find such gender differences (Cupach Spitzberg, 1998, 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Phillips et al., 2004; Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2002). Meta-analyses have shown that clinical and forensic samples do have higher prevalence rates than student or community samples; clinical and forensic samples also reveal a stronger pattern of male perpetrators and female victims (Spitzberg, 2002; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Spitzberg, Cupach, Ciceraro, 2010).   We may conclude that there are meaningful gender differences in the ex perience of stalking, but some of these differences may be minimal (Spitzberg et al., 2010). Perpetrators When it comes to examining gender differences in stalking perpetration, we are confronted with some of the same issues.   It makes a difference whether we are examining stalking or, more broadly, unwanted pursuit behaviors.   It also matters which sample is being examined.   However, gender differences in rates of perpetration seem easier to come by.   The issue of whether men stalk more than women is subject to one of the problems that drive questions of victimization: which samples we study. The issue of whether stalking is operationalized using the requirement that victims feel fear is trickier. We cant use the same standard with perpetrators, who may not be able or willing to convey whether their victim was fearful. While we may assume that aggressive stalking behaviors like vandalism, threats, and physical harm are more severe than showing up unexpectedly or repeated phone calls, the meaning and impact of these behaviors may be similar. Depending upon the context of the behavior, even excessive declarations of love may lead to probable cause for fear (Emerson et al. 1998). However, as with victimization studies, males and females in some college student samples report no gender differences in engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors toward an intimate partner (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Dutton Winstead, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). For example, Baum et al.s (2009) found in the data from a US national US survey revealed that approximately 60% of stalkers were male, 28% were female, and the rest were unable to be identified by their victim. Overall, Spitzberg and Cupachs (2003) meta-analysis found that males make up 82% of stalkers, while females represent 18% of stalkers. HoweverIn sum, the most recent meta-analysis of stalking and unwanted pursuit found that 23.90% of men have perpetrated stalking behavior, while compared to 11.92% of women did so (Spitzberg Cupach, 2010). However, as with victimization studies, some college student surveys reveal no gender differences in engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors toward an intimate partner (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Dutton Winstead, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). College students frequently report engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors, with up to 99% doing at least one (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). Between 30 and 36% of Davis et al.s (2000) US college student sample reported engaging in one to five acts, and 7 to 10% reported six or more. The most frequent behaviors are various forms of unwanted communication and showing up at work/home/school. Aggressive pursuit behaviors are more infrequent (Davis et al., 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000). In general, unwanted pursuit perpetration in college students involves similar numbers of male and female perpetrators, while stalking among general or clinical populations is predominantl y perpetrated by men (Allen, Swan, Raghavan, 2009; Baum et al., 2009; Budd Mattinson, 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). This pattern parallels the findings regarding dating and domestic violence perpetration. Like the pattern between unwanted pursuit and stalking, dating violence and domestic violence involve similar behaviors with differing prevalence rates, predictors of perpetration, and consequences for women and men (Archer, 2000; Bookwala, Frieze, Smith, Ryan, 1992). In this sense, less severe levels of unwanted pursuit or harassment may mirror Johnsons (1995) category of common couple violence, while more severe levels of stalking equal intimate terrorism (Johnson Ferraro, 2000). The debate of whether gender shapes the experience of IPV leads to research comparing the quantity of male and female victims and perpetrators, but also whether experiences are qualitatively different. In other words, are there gender differences in who perpetrators stalk; their choice of stalking behaviors, and their motivations? Types of Behaviors There is some evidence that women and men engage in slightly different individual stalking behaviors. In both forensic and college student samples in the US and Australia, men are more likely to make in-person contact (e.g., â€Å"approach† behavior; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000), to follow their victims or loiter (Purcell et al., 2001; Purcell et al., 2010), and to inflict property damage (Purcell et al., 2010). Women, on the other hand, are more likely to engage in behaviors that do not confront the target face-to-face, such as making unwanted calls or leaving unwanted phone messages (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Purcell et al., 2001; Purcell et al., 2010), spreading rumors, or employing others in harassing the victim (Purcell et al., 2010). These patterns are not universal, however, as Dutton and Winstead (2006)s US college student sample found that women reported more monitoring and physically hurting their targets than men. In terms of cyberstalking behaviors,. Burke, Wallen, Vail-Smith, and Knox (2011) found that US college student men were more likely than women to report experiencing and engaging in the use of spyware, photos, and cameras to monitor and pursue their partner (e.g., using GPS devices, web cams, and spyware to monitor their partner). In contrast, college student women were more likely to report excessive communication and checking behaviors (e.g., checking cell phone and e-mail histories, making excessive phone calls and e-mails, checking social networking sites, and using their partners passwords).. However, in a study on pursuit behaviors perpetrated on Facebook, Lyndon, Bonds-Raacke, and Cratty (in press) found no gender differences in US college students   in the three types of behaviors people perpetrated on Facebook to harass their ex-partner: covert provocation (20-54%; e.g., post poetry or lyrics in status updates to taunt ex-partner), venting (7-11%; e.g., write inappropriate or mean things about ex-partner on Facebook), and public harassment (3-10%; e.g., create a false Facebook profile of ex-partner). Thus far the ambiguity about whether gender differences exist in cyberpursuit appears to mirror the findings regarding unwanted pursuit behaviors for women and men, but we need more research on using technology to stalkcyberstalking, especially with perpetrators. One of the most pressing questions regarding stalking is when it might escalate into physically violent behaviors.   Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Both male and female stalkers are more likely to be violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002). Other predictors of stalking-related violence include prior criminal convictions (Mullen et al., 1999; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999). Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Evidence is mixed as to whether there are gender differences in those who are likely to become violent. Some research using US college student samples suggest that female unwanted pursuit perpetrators of unwanted pursuit engage in more mild aggressive stalking behaviors than men (Dutton Winstead, 2006; Williams Frieze, 2005). However, other college student samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). StillIn contrast, others find that men are more likely than women to threaten their victims (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000) and to escalate from threats to physical assaults, as reported in both Australian forensic samples (Purcell et al., 2001) and meta-analyses (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). Former romantic partnersEx-intimate stalkers, who are mostly male, are the most violent compared to other categories of stalkers, a pattern that is consistent across culture and sample type (McEwan, Mullen, MacKenzie, Ogloff, 2009; Meloy, Davis, Lovette, 2001; Mohandie, Meloy, McGowan, Williams, 2006; Palrea, Zona , Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999; Sheridan, Blaauw, Davies, 2003; Sheridan Davies, 2001). Given that men are more likely to stalk ex-intimate partners than women (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998), it seems that we should find more male-perpetrated stalking violence. However, other college student samples and forensic samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). HoweverFor example, current evidence with forensic samples shows no gender differences in actual stalking cases regarding stalker lethality (Mullen et al., 1999; Purcell et al., 2001; Rosenfeld Lewis, 2005).   Specifically, both male and female stalkers can turn violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002).   Evidently, more research is needed to sort out whether gender is a useful predictor of extreme stalking and violence. Motivations and Violence While there are some differences in how men and women pursue, there also may be some differences in their motivations for doing so. Victims in general population studies often attribute the stalkers motivation to attempts to keep them in a relationship, as well as a desire to control the them (Budd Mattinson, 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). Mullen and colleagues (1999) have classified their samples of clinical and forensic stalkers in Australia into five motivation groups: rejected, intimacy-seeker, incompetent suitor, resentful, and predatory types, but have not found consistent gender differences between the groups. Stalking behaviors appear to be motivated most commonly by intimacy (e.g., a desire for reconciliation and feelings of love), with the second most common motive being aggression retaliation (e.g., a desire for revenge; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). In fact, perpetrators often report both motives for reconciliation of a relationship and for revenge (Mullen, Pathà ©, Purcel l, Stuart, 1999; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). These Cclinical/forensic rejected stalkers who are motivated by a mix of reconciliation and revenge needs have a higher likelihood of assaulting their victims than other motivation groups (Mullen et al., 2006). Gender differences in motivations for stalking have been noted in juvenile forensic samples. Juvenile female stalkers more likely to be motivated by bullying and retaliation whereas juvenile male stalkers were have been found to be motivated more by rejection and sexual predation (Purcell et al., 2010).   In a 2001 study of adult stalkers in Australia, Purcell and colleagues found that women were more likely to target professional acquaintances and less likely to target strangers than men. Nonetheless, the majority of female stalkers were still clearly motivated by the desire to establish intimacy with their target, whereas mens motivations were diverse, spreading across the five categories. Likewise, in Meloys (2003) study of 82 female stalkers from the US, Canada, and Australia, he found the female stalkers were more likely to be motivated by a desire to establish intimacy, whereas men were known to stalk to restore intimacy. Ultimately, Tthere is a large gap in stalking motivati on research, particularly using non-forensic samples.   Clinical/forensic rejected stalkers who are motivated by a mix of reconciliation and revenge needs have a higher likelihood of assaulting their victims than other motivation groups (Mullen et al., 2006). Both male and female stalkers are more likely to be violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002). Other predictors of stalking-related violence include prior criminal convictions (Mullen et al., 1999; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999). Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Evidence is mixed as to whether there are gender differences in those who are likely to become violent. Some research using US college student samples suggest that female unwanted pursuit perpetrators engage in more mild aggressive stalking behaviors (Dutton Winstead, 2006; Williams Frieze, 2005). However, other college student samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). Still others find that men are more likely than women to threaten their victims (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000) and to escalate from threats to physical assaults, as reported in both Australian forensic samples (Purcell et al., 2001) and meta-analyses (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). Former romantic partners are the most violent compared to other categories of stalkers, a pattern that is consistent across culture and sample type (McEwan, Mullen, MacKenzie, Ogloff, 2009; Meloy, Davis, Lovette, 2001; Mohandie, Meloy, McGowan, William s, 2006; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999; Sheridan, Blaauw, Davies, 2003; Sheridan Davies, 2001). Given that men are more likely to stalk ex-intimate partners than women (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998), it seems that we should find more male-perpetrated stalking violence. However, current evidence with forensic samples shows no gender differences in actual stalking cases regarding stalker lethality (Mullen et al., 1999; Purcell et al., 2001; Rosenfeld Lewis, 2005).   Single surveys of Ccollege student samples ofabout unwanted pursuit and obsessive relational intrusion are the least likely to find fewgender differences in perpetration rates. However, meta-analyses and US and UK general population studies find that men are more likely to be stalking perpetrators than women, regardless of the victims gender (Baum et al., 2009; Budd Mattinson, 2000; Spitzberg, 2002; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a).While the size of this gender difference varies, it is consistent across methodologies (Spitzberg Cupach, 2003). There are some gender differences in the types of stalking and cyberstalking perpetrationbehaviors e.g., men being more direct and women more indirect and in pursuers motives women being predominantly motivated by intimacy-seeking and men having a broader array of motives. However, we need more research on perpetration to better understand if gender is an important predictor to consider, especially with regard to the likelihood of escalation.   w ith a variety of samples and with better means of differentiating unwanted pursuit from stalking. Perceptions of stalking As attention to the problem of stalking has increased, so has public opinion been shaped.   However, there is not a true consensus in these opinions. Rather, people vary in how much they understand about stalking.   It can be unclear when the line between   normal relational pursuit and stalking is crossed (Dunn, 1999; Emerson et al., 1998; Lee, 1998; Sinclair Frieze, 2000, 2005). Perceptions can also diverge regarding multiple issues including: 1) which behaviors qualify as stalking, 2) how many behavior are enough to represent a â€Å"course of conduct,† 3) is stalking really serious, 4) what   perpetrator intent may have been, 5) whether and how we should incorporate victim fear levels to judge stalking severity, and 6) what is â€Å"real† stalking (e.g., stranger vs. acquaintance stalking). Within each of these issues, gender may influence the perceptions people hold, both lay persons and legal decision-makers. Stalking in the Eye of the Beholder: The Role of Perceiver Gender The literature is still mixed as to whether men and women differ in judgments to use a label of stalking. Some researchers report that men and women do not differ in terms of which behaviors qualify as stalking (e.g., Kinkade, Burns, Fuentes, 2005; Phillips et al., 2004, in Experiment 1; Sheridan Davies, 2001; Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001; Sheridan et al., 2002; Sheridan, Gillet, Davies, Blaauw, Patel, 2003). Others have found